Omali Yeshitela: Obama: white power in a black face (en français)

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Omali Yeshitela :Obama: white power in a black face


Obama’s nomination has caused tremendous hope and euphoria among African people worldwide as the articles below illustrate. ‘Why is this?’ Because the books that most black people spend hours reading are the bible and the Koran. They spend no time at all reading books on western strategies of domination and control. As a result, Africans are constantly outwitted by the West in every domain. The mainstream media has repeatedly said that Obama has still not been able to convince poor whites or Hispanics to support him, in other words, the majority of Americans. So I can only conclude that after 500 years of continued oppression, African people have become used to living in a fools paradise.   African Americans have still not understood that they are a conquered people living in the land of their conqueror and that is why they consistently make the same mistakes.  In my opinion, the writer below and Omali Yeshitela's video really sums up the basis problem with Obama’s nomination. Hort


The fundamental problem, as I see it, is that too many of us assume that the same people who have oppressed us for centuries under various forms of totalitarian dictatorship here in the United States as well as other outposts of European imperialism in the world, assume that they will also put in place someone who will serve our interests. It is not a rational or logical assumption.
If your enemy choses a leader for you, he or she will not be for you. And why would we ever expect them to be? They will be neo-colonialist agents. This lesson should be so clear to us, but it is, apparently, not clear at all. And I do not understand why not, except that we do not believe the history we claim to take so seriously, nor the ideological positions we claim to embrace. Or perhaps we know far too little of our own historical experiences and, therefore, can not draw appropriate lessons from them.

We believe at least two things in the deepest part of us. First, we believe, very emotionally and in a twisted psychological or pathological way, that the enslaver will rescue us. The immediately obvious corrollary to this belief or feeling is that we believe we have no power to rescue ourselves. We lack confidence in ourselves. The late Dr. John Henrik Clarke asked the question: "Can Afrikans save themselves?" We may say outwardly that we can, but we simply do not believe it.

Second, this also means we have accepted, at the deepest level, that we are the permanent slaves of our conquerors, that they are our eternal masters, no matter how much we may publicly and vociferously deny this. One of the clearest indications of this is our obsession with racism. We care too much about what our enemies think of us, how they feel about us. We spend all of our energy in cataloguing our emotional abuses, incident after incident after unfailing incident ad infinitim. But we are not obsessive about discussing ad nauseam the means and ways and strategies and tactics by which we can free ourselves from these sociopaths and become sovereign people again.

What we should be obsessed with, as were our foreparents who emerged from that first form of American totalitatian dictatorship commony called slavery, is sovereignty. We should be particularly obsessed with the restoration of it.


1.         Sovereignty:


Though its meanings and applications have varied throughout history, the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy states that sovereignty “Also has a core meaning, supreme authority within a territory.  It is a modern notion of political authority.  … The state is the political institution in which sovereignty is embodied.” 


The CSA defines and uses sovereignty on three functional and definitional levels related to: 1.) a Government, 2.) a People, and 3.) a Consciousness.           

In terms of the Government, sovereignty refers to the absolute and independent power and authority to control all activities, resources, territory and consenting people within its borders.  Regarding the People, sovereignty refers to the inherent right of all people to self-government, to govern themselves without foreign influences or interference. Lastly, sovereignty is a Consciousness that forms the basis of a philosophy which impels a people to seek and establish self-government, along with their own unique political and ideological self-identity.

Source: Ezrah Aharone, The Center for Sovereignty Advancement, Paterson , New Jersey

These are the things about which we should be obsessed. We should be obsessed about how to make it happen.

If we did not believe so deeply in THE WHITE MAN, if we did not have so deep an abiding faith in our conquerors, if we did not believe that they are our people (note the definition above), we would instead be revolutionaries and very clear in our analyses. We could never be fooled by their appointment of an Obama, a Thomas, a Powell, a Rice, or other agent of the colonizer.


Our foreparents even here in the United States did not believe in these people and did not accept them or their appointed leaders. I'm talking about the mainstream Afrikans, the majority, the so-called freed people, the so-called former slaves, not the minority of colored and educated elites. One of the best studies of this is the book by Nell Irvin Painter titled The Exodusters, which deals with the second phase of totalitarian dictatorship commonly called post Civil War Reconstruction and Jim Crow (or freedom). I also recommend Michael A. Gomez's book, Exchanging Our Country Marks, which deals with us in the first phase of totalitarian dictatorship commonly called slavery.

As Donald Spivey said in his book Education for the New Slavery, which covers an important aspect of the second phase of totalitarianism commonly called post Civil War Reconstruction and Jim Crow (or freedom), “Freedmen were extremely discontented with restraints placed upon them. They were eager to become their own masters and to elevate themselves from their traditional position as prostrate laborers. They believed that freedom meant, among other things, self-rule and self-reliance, and they asserted themselves toward these ends.” In other words, our foreparents, emerging from that outmoded phase of totalitarianism the enslavers called slavery, were not so demoralized as we have been led to believe. They knew they wanted to be sovereign people. James Anderson, looking at this issue from the point of view of education, made the following observations in his book The Education of Blacks in the South, 1860-1935:


First, he says they had a basic understanding among themselves of the necessity of creating independent, African-run institutions of learning ‑‑ even at the primary and secondary levels, even if they had little money to fund them. He also says that they created these institutions before and after the end of the American Civil War and before the Americans passed their 13th constitutional amendment. Anderson says the African approach to education and literacy at the end of the Civil War was shaped by the “values of self-help and self-determination” and “an ethic of mutuality.” While the so-called newly freed Afrikans did not reject assistance from Europeans, they did not permit Europeans to rule them or to dictate to them. “Many missionaries were astonished, and later chagrined, … to discover that many ex-slaves had established their own educational associations and collectives, staffed schools entirely with black teachers, and were unwilling to allow their educational movement to be controlled by the ‘civilized’ Yankees.” When the northern European missionaries faced these (so-called) newly emancipated  Afrikans they were shocked because they had expected  them to be so profoundly demoralized that they would have been “little more than uncivilized victims who needed to be taught the values and rules of civil society.” The missionaries had come to the South “bent on treating the freedmen almost wholly as objects.” They found that Afrikans did not permit this at all.

Anderson also discusses what the Freedmen's Bureau discovered about this. John W. Alvord, appointed to the Freedmen’s Bureau’s educational initiative in September 1865 and who later became its national superintendent of schools, filed in January 1866 a general report based on his travel and observation of African education throughout the South up to December 1865. In his report, Alvord disclosed that “native schools,” which were founded and controlled by Africans themselves, were operative throughout the South and that many of them had been visited or assisted neither by the Freedmen’s Bureau nor by missionary organizations or northern European benevolent societies. He estimated there were at least 500 operating in 1866. Anderson also notes that such schools date back to the early nineteenth century, when for 32 years Africans in Savannah, Georgia, under the leadership of a woman named Deveaux, covertly operated a school “unknown to the slave regime from 1833 to 1865.” 

I wish our consciousness was as strong and as clear as was our foreparents!
Clearly, the psychological subversion that we commonly atrribute to enslavement, the first phase of totalitarianism, was not consolidated during that period. It was consolidated in the second phase of totalitarianism, commonly called freedom, the period in which we are presently living.
We need to think very seriously about this because we need to ask the question: "How did our foreparents preserve the integrity of their national (and nationalist) consciousness during that first phase of totalitarianism? " Further, we must ask "How did we lose that consciousnes in the second phase?" It is because we have lost that consciosuness that we are FOOLED BY OBAMA and other tricks that Malcolm X called tokenism and that Martin Luther King, Jr. called "changes that cost nothing."

How easily we forget our lessons! 

Not only is Obama, at best, a neocolonial agent, but he was not chosen by the European rulers of the United States primarily with reference to us (except to confuse us and to lull us to sleep in our gullibility. Even that was, although important, a secondary agenda, as Professor Bell has already established for us). He was chosen to rehabilitate the European settler (American) image in the world so that the Eurpean settlers can carry out their plans for continued exploitation of the peoples and resources of the world. How are they so easily able to make you and me and the world forget what happened to us in New Orleans during and after Hurricane Katrina? That was only three years ago. Supposedly, Katrina was a wake up call for us!

Obama is a distraction, a strategically important one, whose aim is to make us and the world believe the United States has somehow radically changed.

When are we going to take Anna Julia Cooper seriously when she chastised us in 1886:  “We too often mistake individuals’ honor for race development and so are ready to substitute pretty accomplishments for sound sense and earnest purpose. … our present record of eminent men, when placed beside the actual status of the race in America to-day, proves that no man can represent the race. Whatever the attainments of the individual may be, unless his home has moved on pari passu, he can never be regarded as identical with or representative of the whole.”


When are we going to take the legal scholar Derrick Bell seriously, when he concluded in his analysis of European national public policy that Afrikans are more likely to obtain relief from “acknowledged racial injustice when that relief serves, directly or indirectly, to further ends which policymakers perceive are also in the best interests of the country.” Invariably, the benefits to Afrikans “are more symbolic than substantive.” Moreover, he observes, the most significant political advances for Afrikans were from policies that “were intended to, and had the effect of, serving the interests and convenience of whites.” Afrikan gains “are almost always the gratuitous dividends of policies which are favored by a controlling white interest or group.” Professor Bell wrote this is Race, racism, and American Law. 

Even the celebrated (by the Americans) French aristocrat Alexis de Tocqueville perceptively observed in 1835, three decades before the final abolition of what had become an outmoded form of totalitarian dictatorship (commonly called slavery) that in “the United States people abolish slavery for the sake not of the Negroes but of the white men.”

With de Tocqueville' s observation in mind, would we expect Americans to select a candidate who would not fulfill and/or pursue the fulfillment of their own objectives and interests as a singular priority?


We have actually been given leaders, neo-colonial agents, throughout all phases of our subjection to totalitarian dictatorship. A good example of this is an essay by Gregory Mixon in the Journal of Negro History on this issue. Mixon, Gregory. “Henry McNeal Turner Versus the Tuskegee Machine: Black Leadership in the Nineteenth Century.” Journal of Negro History 79, no. 4 (Fall 1994): 363-380. It is attached for those interested. Look at how our enemies discussed preachers and "good" leaders at bottom of page 372 through to page 375. 


By the way, on the issue of totalitarian dictatorship, I am not using hyperbole. That which they call slavery, as if that was our natural state when they kidnapped us from Afrika, was totalitarian dictatorship. After the end of the Civil War they changed totalitarianism in form, but not in substance. In others, this is Jim Crow, COINTELPRO, etc., etc.


1.       Dictatorship:

 “Most commonly by dictatorship is meant the type of authority characterized by at least some of the following features: (a) Lack of laws or customs in virtue of which the ruler (or rulers) could be called upon to account for their actions or [be] removed; (b) lack of limitations on the scope of authority; (c) acquisition of supreme authority by contravention of pre-existing laws; … (e) use of authority for a restricted group only; (f) obedience of the subjects being due solely to fear; … (h) employment of terror.”

Julius Gould and William L. Kolb, eds., A Dictionary of the Social Sciences (New York: UNESCO and The Free Press, 1964), 198.


2.       Totalitarianism:

 “Totalitarianism is the extension of permanent governmental control over the totality of social life. A movement or an ideology may be called totalitarian if it advocates such an extension.”

Julius Gould and William L. Kolb, eds., A Dictionary of the Social Sciences (New York: UNESCO and The Free Press, 1964), 719.

Look at the identity of white supremacy with colonialism and imperialism and perhaps we may begin to construct our thinking around the proper framework for understanding our task.


1.            White supremacy:

“The social, economic, and political repression and exploitation and exploitation of nonwhite peoples, especially blacks, by white people, based on notions of racial superiority.”

Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary, Third Edition (New York: Macmillan General Reference, 1996).


2.      Colonialism:

 “The term now refers to a state of inferiority or of servitude experienced by a community, a country, or a nation which is dominated politically and/or economically and/or culturally by another and more developed community or nation; applied especially when the dominant nation is European or North American, and the less-developed, a non-European people.”

Julius Gould and William L. Kolb, eds., A Dictionary of the Social Sciences (New York: UNESCO and The Free Press, 1964), 101.


“The system or policy by which a country maintains foreign colonies, especially in order to exploit them economically.”

Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary, Third Edition (New York: Macmillan General Reference, 1996).


3.      Imperialism:

 “The most recent use is to apply the word very generally to the control of one state by another.”

Julius Gould and William L. Kolb, eds., A Dictionary of the Social Sciences (New York: UNESCO and The Free Press, 1964), 319.


“2 the policy and practice of forming and maintaining an empire in seeking to control raw materials and world markets by the conquest of other countries, the establishment of colonies, etc. 3 the policy and practice of seeking to dominate the economic or political affairs of underdeveloped areas or weaker countries.”

Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary, Third Edition (New York: Macmillan General Reference, 1996).


Barack Obama is Africa's Talisman

The Nation (Nairobi)
8 June 2008

Kenyans are celebrating Senator Barack Obama's success in the US Democratic Party nomination, not because they expect goodies from him if he becomes the most powerful leader in the world; they know there won't be any. At one level they are doing so because of a sense of kinship. His father was Kenyan, after all.  But the bigger reason is that he is a role model for almost a billion black people in the world today who are used to coming last in everything important. The black race is the poorest, least powerful, most unhealthy, least hopeful of them all.

  One of the least acknowledged facts of life is that being black is not the easiest thing in the world. A black person carried the legacy of slavery, colonialism and, increasingly, the failure of Africa to quickly pull itself out of the mire of poverty, war, hunger, disease and ignorance.

Even promising countries such as South Africa and our own have had their moments of madness. In their secret hearts, Africans see in Sen Obama's victory a confirmation that a black person can be anything he or she wants to be if they work hard enough and are smart and lucky enough.


IN DIPLOMACY THEY TALK ABOUT THE "ripe moment," when all factors arrange themselves to suit a deal. Sometimes all it takes to arrange those factors into a ripe moment for the beginning of a brighter future is optimism and faith. And that is what Sen Obama has done for Africans.


http://africa. wire/news/ usnN15472766. html
Haitians see pride, hope and hero in Obama

By Joseph Guyler Delva
Tue 15 Jul 2008,

PORT-AU-PRINCE, - Scorned for decades after independence, invaded by U.S. Marines and subject frequently to the whims of Washington politicians, Haiti has endured a difficult history with the United States. Now many Haitians believe Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama, if he becomes the first black U.S. president, could open a new chapter and help their unstable and impoverished Caribbean homeland.

Obama's candidacy has awakened a greater interest than any previous U.S. presidential race in Haiti, where rebel slaves defeated Napoleon Bonaparte's French army to claim independence in 1804 as the world's first black-ruled independent republic. Many Haitians say they view Obama as an inspiration and a source of pride for black people around the world, and many view him as a kindred spirit. "At least I know that Obama and we Haitians have one thing in common," said economist Amos Dorcelus, 34. "We have no hang-ups when dealing with white people because we see them as people just like us and we don't feel any sort of inferiority. "We are poor, but we are proud and we can stand up and look at them in the eye knowing we can do or can be whatever they can," he said.

Haiti is low on the list of foreign policy priorities for Obama, an Illinois senator, and his Republican rival for the White House, Arizona Sen. John McCain. But Armel Mozart, 28, believes Obama is interested in Haiti because of his relationship with Haitian-Americans like Patrick Gaspard, a campaign director, and Kwame Raoul, who replaced him in the Illinois state senate. "I believe Obama has an eye on Haiti even though he has not really been talking about Haiti," said Mozart, a political science student. "As a black leader, he must have read a lot about Haitian history and his decision to appoint Gaspard to such a key position in his campaign is very telling," he said. Haitians have long looked with hope and also some trepidation to their superpower neighbor.

Troubled Past

It took Washington 58 years to grant Haiti diplomatic recognition after it threw off the yoke of slavery. Historians attribute the delay to misgivings among U.S. leaders about the impact a free Haiti might have on their own slaves. After decades of political turbulence, the United States sent troops to occupy Haiti in 1915. They stayed 19 years.  More recently, powerful U.S. politicians have been blamed for destabilizing Haiti and blocking international aid because of their opposition to Haiti's first democratically elected president, former priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide, regarded by many in Washington as an authoritarian socialist.

Former President Bill Clinton helped restore Aristide to the presidency after he was ousted by the military shortly after taking power in 1991. But under President George W. Bush, Washington did little to help Aristide stay in office when his second term was cut short in 2004 by an armed revolt.  Many Haitians believe Obama's candidacy has already contributed to the advancement of minorities and black people around the world and its positive consequences will go beyond the outcome of the U.S. election in November.  "I'm very proud of Obama. It is a dream and it is history in the making," said Marjorie Laporte, a 36-year-old teacher.

Obama also enjoys star status in parts of Africa, especially in his late father's native Kenya, where newborn babies are named after him and people sip "Senator" beer in his honor. They literally sing his praise in some Caribbean islands. In Trinidad, the legendary Calypsonian known as the Mighty Sparrow hails Obama as a "man of splendid vision" in a song titled "Barack the Magnificent.

Jamaican reggae singers Cocoa Tea and Damian Marley -- son of Bob Marley -- have separately recorded songs lauding Obama. Part of the allure in Haiti is self-interest. Democrats are viewed as more likely to treat kindly Haitian boat people trying to make it into the United States than Republicans.  “If I were to vote, I would vote for Obama not for (John) McCain, because Haitians and other minorities are usually better off with Democrats in the White House," said Marcel Pierre-Louis, 47, who lived in the United States for 15 years.


For Blacks in France, Obama’s Rise Is Reason to Rejoice, and to Hope
By Michael Kimmelman
June 17, 2008

PARIS — When Youssoupha, a black rapper here, was asked the other day what was on his mind, a grin spread across his face.
“Barack Obama,” he said. “Obama tells us everything is possible.” A new black consciousness is emerging in France, lately hastened by, of all things, the presumptive Democratic nominee for president of the United States. An article in Le Monde a few days ago described how Mr. Obama is “stirring up high hopes” among blacks here. Even seeing the word “noir” (“black”) in a French newspaper was an occasion for surprise until recently.

Meanwhile, this past weekend, 60 cars were burned and some 50 young people scuffled with police and firemen, injuring several of them, in a poor minority suburb of Vitry-le-Franç ois, in the Marne region of northeast France. Americans, who have debated race relations since the dawn of the Republic, may find it hard to grasp the degree to which race, like religion, remains a taboo topic in France. While Mr. Obama talks about running a campaign transcending race, an increasing number of French blacks are pushing for, in effect, the reverse.

Having always thought it was more racially enlightened than strife-torn America, France finds itself facing the prospect that it has actually fallen behind on that score. Incidents like the ones over the weekend bring to mind the rioting that exploded across France three years ago. Since it abolished slavery 160 years ago, the country has officially declared itself to be colorblind — but seeing Mr. Obama, a new generation of French blacks is arguing that it’s high time here for precisely the sort of frank discussions that in America have preceded the nomination of a major black candidate.

This black consciousness is reflected not just in daily conversation, but also in a dawning culture of books and music by young French blacks like Youssoupha, a cheerful, toothy 28-year-old, who was sent here from Congo by his parents to get an education at 10, raised by an aunt who worked in a school cafeteria in a poor suburb, and told by guidance counselors that he shouldn’t be too ambitious. Instead, he earned a master’s degree from the Sorbonne.

Then, like many well-educated blacks in this country, he hit a brick wall. “I found myself working in fast-food places with people who had the equivalent of a 15-year-old’s level of education,” he recalled. So he turned to rap, out of frustration as much as anything, finding inspiration in “négritude,” an ideology of black pride conceived in Paris during the 1920s and 30s by Aimé Césaire, the French poet and politician from Martinique, and Léopold Sédar Senghor, the poet who became Senegal’s first president. Its philosophy, as Sartre once put it, was a kind of “antiracist racism,” a celebration of shared black heritage.

Négritude and Césaire are back. When Césaire died in April, at 94, his funeral in Fort-de-France, Martinique, was broadcast live on French television. The French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, and his rival Ségolène Royal both attended. Just three years ago, Mr. Sarkozy, as head of a center-right party and not yet president, supported a law (repealed after much protest) that compelled French schools to teach the “positive” aspects of colonialism. The next year, Césaire refused to meet with him. Now here was Mr. Sarkozy flying to the former French colony (today one of the country’s overseas departments, meaning he could troll for votes) to pay tribute to the poet laureate of négritude.

That said, as a country France definitely sends out mixed messages. “Négritude is a concept they just don’t want to hear about,” Youssoupha raps in “Render Unto Césaire” on his latest album, “À Chaque Frère” (“To Each Brother”). A regular short feature on French public television, “Citoyens Visibles,” hosted by a young actress, Hafsia Herzi, celebrates French artists with foreign origins.

At the same time, it’s against the rules for the government to conduct official surveys according to race. Consequently, nobody even knows for certain how many black citizens there are. Estimates vary between 3 million and 5 million out of a population of more than 61 million.
“Can you imagine if French officials said, ‘Well, we’re not sure, the population of France may be 65 million, or maybe it’s 30 million’?” declared a somewhat exasperated Patrick Lozès, founder of Cran, a black organization devised not long ago partly to gather statistics the government won’t.

When he sat down to talk the other morning, the first two words out of his mouth were Barack Obama. “The idea behind not categorizing people by race is obviously good; we want to believe in the republican ideal,” he said. “But in reality we’re blind in France, not colorblind but information blind, and just saying people are equal doesn’t make them equal.”

He ticked off some obvious numbers: one black member representing continental France in the National Assembly among 555 members; no continental French senators out of some 300; only a handful of mayors out of some 36,000, and none from the poor Paris suburbs. To this may be added Cran’s findings that the percentage of blacks in France who hold university degrees is 55, compared with 37 percent for the general population. But the number of blacks who get stuck in the working class is 45 percent, compared with 34 percent for the national average.  

“There’s total hypocrisy here,” Léonora Miano said. She’s a black author, 37, originally from Cameroon, whose recent novel “Tels des Astres Éteints” (“Like Extinguished Stars”) is about race relations as seen through the eyes of three black immigrants. “For me it was really strange when I arrived 17 years ago to find people here never used the word race,” Ms. Miano said over coffee one afternoon at Café Beaubourg. Outside, African immigrants hawked sunglasses to tourists. “French universalism, the whole French republican ideal, proposes that if you embrace French values, the French language, French culture, then race doesn’t exist and it won’t matter if you’re black. But of course it does. So we need to have a conversation, and slowly it is coming: not a conversation about guilt or history, but about now.”

“The Black Condition: An Essay on a French Minority” by Pap N’Diaye, a 42-year-old historian at the School for Advanced Study of the Social Sciences, is another much-talked- about new book here. “We are witnessing a renaissance of the négritude movement,” Mr. N’Diaye declared the other day. The surge in popularity of Mr. Obama among French blacks partly stems from the hope that his rise “will highlight our lack of diversity and put pressure on French politicians who say they favor him to open politics up more to minorities,” Mr. N’Diaye said. “We in France are, in terms of race, where we were in terms of gender 40 years ago.”

He laid out some history: French decolonization during the 1960s pretty much pushed the original négritude movement to the back burner, at the same time that it inspired a wave of immigrants from the Caribbean to come here and fill low-ranking civil service jobs. From sub-Saharan Africa, another wave of laborers gravitated to private industry. The two populations didn’t communicate much.  But their children, raised here, have grown up together. “Mutually discovered discrimination,” as Mr. N’Diaye put it, has forged a bond out of which négritude is being revived.

The watershed event was the rioting in poor French suburbs three years ago. Among its cultural consequences: Aimé Césaire “started to be rediscovered by young people who found in his work things germane to the current situation,” Mr. N’Diaye said. Youssoupha is one of those people. He was nursing a Coke recently at Top Kafé, a Lubavitch Tex-Mex restaurant in Créteil, just outside Paris, where he lives. Nearby, two waiters in yarmulkes sat watching Rafael Nadal play tennis on television beneath dusty framed pictures of Las Vegas and Rabbi Menachem M. Schneerson. A clutch of Arab teenagers smoked outside. In modest neighborhoods like this, France can look remarkably harmonious.

“Césaire is in my lyrics, and I was upset when people misinterpreted what I wrote as anti-white because négritude is the affirmation of our common black roots,” Youssoupha said.
Ms. Miano, the novelist, made a similar point. “There is no such thing as a black ‘community’ in France — yet — partly because we have such different histories,” she said. “An immigrant woman from Mali and another from Cameroon view the world in completely different ways. You also shouldn’t think there isn’t racism among blacks in France, between West Indians and Africans. There is. But ultimately we’re all black in the face of discrimination.”

Then she smiled: “Too bad I forgot to wear my Obama T-shirt.”


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