White racists continue to kill and escape punishment in Africa

Publié le par hort

  http://www.ethiomed ia.com/carepress /cholmondeley_ murder.html

Kenya: Will Cholmondeley walk away with another cold-blooded murder?

Kenya Scandinavia Democratic Movement (Kesdemo)
May 14, 2006

On Wednesday the 10th of May 2006, Tom Cholmondeley, a white racist and serial killer active in Kenya, shot Mr. Robert Njoya, (a 33-year-old Kenyan citizen) to death for allegedly killing an antelope at his Soysambu Ranch in Gilgil division of Nakuru District. This brutal execution was the second since last April when the blood thirsty "white supremacist" Cholmondeley gunned down Mr. Samson ole Sisina, a Kenya Wildlife Ranger who was on duty and who was wearing full uniform of Kenya Wild Life Services (KWS).

When the case came to court, Sisina's family never saw justice after Cholmondeley was acquitted by the court system "due to lack of evidence". Kenya's Attorney General Mr. Amos Wako, who is one of the most useless and stupid Attorney General Kenya has ever produced, colluded with Cholmondeley to dismiss the case. This was despite the availability of both eye witness accounts to the Sisina execution and other hard evidence that could have facilitated a conviction. Millions of Kenyans were outraged.

Mr. Cholmondeley, who has occupied one of the biggest chunks of Masai land, walked to freedom. To put it mildly in this latest murder, it sounds like the case of a racist grandson of a former colonial land grabber on an execution mission in Kenya as an elected government plays the role of a spectator because of external pressure.

KESDEMO takes this opportunity to thank the thousands of Kenyans who came out to block the Nairobi-Nakuru highway in protest at the latest Cholomendeley execution of an innocent Kenyan who was trying to survive under great pressure of hunger and starvation that is affecting more than 3 million Kenyans across the country.

It is well known that the family which owns Delemare Ranch has been conducting illegal business of slaughtering thousands of wild animals like buffalos and reaping millions of Kenyan shillings in game meat profits while at the same time evading taxation. This is because Kenyan tax authorities, national police force, military establishment and other key intelligence services have no power to enter the property of a white, Asian or Arab land grabber in Kenya, majority of whom are also armed and dangerous to the local population.

The late Mr. Sisina was executed last April as he was in the process of trying to investigate the illegal trade in game meat that has been going on at the Delemare farm for decades without state intervention. Since the days of colonialism, Kenyans in general have been trained to fear white people through the colonial school system that makes Kenyans and their leaders to prostrate in front of white men, women and their children.

The cold blooded murder of Mr. Njoya, an innocent Kenyan citizen, by Cholmondeley, only rivals documented murders by the late colonial and white racist supremacist called Robert Patrick Shaw who served as a Police reservist under cover as the boss of Starehe Boys Center where he used to recruit CIDs and KANU moles during both Kenyatta and Moi dictatorships. During his wild campaigns of terror, Shaw gunned down hundreds of innocent Kenyans in the name of fighting crime until he was eventually sprayed with bullets in a conspiracy that was allegedly masterminded by Daniel arap Moi and the current President Kibaki. As a cover up, his body was banned from public viewing as the government announced that he had died of a "heart attack".

After independence, the Kenyan government never seized land that was stolen by the British colonialists as per the Political program of the Land and Freedom Army (Mau Mau). Instead, Jomo Kenyatta, Kenya's first President who betrayed the Mau Mau, duped the landless and freedom fighters in a conspiracy where they were told to buy back their land which was stolen by settlers.

This conspiracy is what caused the mysterious disappearance of freedom fighter Kungu Karumba who spent nine years in Kapenguria prison together with Kenyatta and who has never been traced to date. In this dirty conspiracy, Kenyatta signed a 99 year land lease contract with the British land grabbers whose grandsons are now executing Kenyans in these same lands with impunity and causing untold grief to the affected families. Freedom fighter Bildad Kagia died a pauper because of his opposition to Jomo Kenyatta's politics of betrayal especially on the thorny question of land.

When a Kenyan kills another Kenyan, the penalty is normally capital punishment (death). Former Kenya Air Force liberators like Spt Hezekiah Ochuka, Sgt Oteyo Okumu, Sgt Obuon and others, were executed in cold blood, not because they killed anybody in particular but because they tried to overthrow an evil and brutal regime that was anti-Kenyan people.

These young liberators and their People's Redemption Council (PRC) within the military were forced to take action when they discovered that there is "Not Yet Uhuru" (Not yet freedom) in Kenya. Today we still regret why the 1982 coup failed because Moi could not have destroyed Kenya for 24 years while Kibaki may not be President today to continue protecting murderers like Cholomendeley while at the same time looting and plundering the economy when more than three million Kenyans are starving. This is the time Kenya is in dire need of liberators like PRC members who were courageous enough to take up arms to overthrow dictator Daniel T. arap Moi who denied more than 30 million Kenyans basic rights and freedoms and who converted Kenya into a one Party dictatorship.

Why should cold blooded murderers like Cholomendeley continue to receive state protection? KESDEMO asks: Why has the government continued to allow the likes of Cholmondeleys to continue committing crimes on stolen land without being brought to face the law? From the point of view of KESDEMO, the Cholmondeles should not just be hanged for murder but the land they continue to occupy more than four decades after independence should have been confiscated by the State at "independence" without compensation. The continued control and manipulation of the Kenyan government mainly by British and American imperialism under the Neo-colonial arrangement is what continues to shield murderers like Cholmondeley from justice.

KESDEMO will not be surprised if Cholmondeley fails to face the noose. This is because the government will receive orders and threats from British and American imperialism on how to handle the case. Our perspective is that he will either bribe his way through a fine or walk away with a light sentence.

In the eyes of the Kenyan law, when Chelmondeley killed Sisoni in April 2005, it was like he killed a goat. This time it will look like he has killed a black monkey and when a white man kills a monkey in Kenya, there is no case to answer. This is because Cholmondeley is a white man protected by the Kenyan colonial law which is still effective 43 years after "independence" . When a young makanga (taout) kissed a rich man's daughter in Kenya, he was jailed for 10 years. But when Chelmondeley executed a poor Kenyan, he went Scot free. This is the Kenyan law that divides the rich and the poor and this is how the situation will remain under capitalism unless the system is overthrown by an organized force.

KESDEMO believes that an end to the menace of the Cholmondele' s type rests on confiscating and nationalizing land that was grabbed by colonialists and their lackeys like Criticos (who owns half of Taita Taveta district while the people of Taita live as squatters), Jomo Kenyatta's family (and their Gicheha farms where they own vast natural minerals), the Mwai Kibaki family etc.

The nationalization of land has repeatedly been ignored by three Presidents since fake Independence namely; Jomo Kenyatta (15 years), Daniel arap Moi (24 years) and now Septuagenarian Mwai Kibaki (3 years). This neglect has caused a lot of pain to millions of landless Kenyans in every part of Kenya and to every landless Kenyan in all provinces across the country. These regimes have proved beyond reasonable doubt that they are anti-landless Kenyans and the only way out is for the oppressed millions in Kenya to rise against the top class of capitalist thieves being protected by Mwai Kibaki and his government that serves both the rich and Imperialist agents in Kenya.

KESDEMO appeals to the landless and oppressed Kenyans in Naivasha to rise against the Dalamare's family. Their defiant son has now killed twice and since he is protected by the law and by Kibaki's government, he is going to continue killing the people of Naivasha unless they stop the madness.

The internal security Chief and former Home guard, John Michuki Njoroge, urged certain Kenyans to sleep and ng'orota (snore) because they are protected. The reality is that Michuki's law is designed to protect the "white settlers" and the stinking rich owners of capital in Kenya. This is the class which can afford to sleep and ng'orota because evidence shows that ordinary Naivasha residents are being slaughtered by armed and racist wazungus.

In this latest murder, the people of Naivasha should continue to demand that justice be done and if the government fails to do so, the people of Naivasha and other Kenyans should show solidarity and be ready to take the law on their own hands to push for a redress.

KESDEMO reminds Kenyans about the two British soldiers who were caught red handed stealing a car and who were locked in Karen Police Station. After covert intervention by British Imperialism, they were released in yet another case where justice was miscarried. A British national who traumatized a Kenyan woman in her private parts with a bottle in Mombasa before the woman died was set free because of pressure from British imperialism. Chelmondeley will either be set free or walk away with a very light sentence. For this reason, the people of Naivasha should be ready to continue with protests because the government must be accountable. KESDEMO will continue to follow this case keenly and to put it in its correct perspective.

Martin Ngatia:
ngatia_martin@ hotmail.com

Okoth Osewe:
osewe@hotmail. com
KESDEMO Central committee

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KENYA SCANDINAVIA DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT (KESDEMO) Kenya People's Democratic Movement (KEPEDEMO-Mapinduzi ), Kenya Socialist Democratic Alliance (KSDA), Kenya Social Forum in Norway (KSF - Norway), Muungano Ya Akina Mama Scandinavia, Organization of Kenyans in Denmark (OKD) and Association of Kenyan Students in Finland (AKSIF). ALLIES supporting statement: Kenya Socialist Community in London and Kenya Democracy Project (KDP) - Scandinavia. Emails:
mapambanokenya@ gawab.com; mapambano.kenya@ gmail.com; harakatips@hotmail. com. Statement also available at: www.kenyasocialist. org

http://www.news24. com/News24/ South_Africa/ News/0,,2- 7-1442_2428083, 00.html

It wasn't the real me - Nel
Hilda Fourie, Beeld

- (SA)


Mafikeng - "I don't believe I should be punished, because I was not myself when it happened. "To punish me for something the real me didn't do, is like punishing someone for another person's crime," said Johann Nel, the so-called Skierlik shooter, according to a pre-sentencing report submitted at the Mmabatho High Court on Monday. Nel pleaded guilty to four charges of murder, 11 of attempted murder and one each for the illegal possession of firearms and ammunition. Judge Ronald Hendricks found him guilty on these charges. 'I don't think even he knows'

On January 14 this year Nel went to the Skierlik informal settlement outside Swartruggens and started shooting. Sivuyile Peye, 37, Enoch Tshepo Matshelanoka, 10, Anna Moiphitlhi, 31 and her two-month-old baby Elizabeth Keditlhotse died in the shootings. Another eight people were wounded and three escaped when Nel shot at them.

Dr Irma Labuschagne, a forensic criminologist, said in her evidence in mitigation of punishment the big question was why he did it. "I don't think even he knows." Labuschagne described the incident as a "racist killing spree". One could even call it a hate crime, she said. Nel went to shoot people of colour. He did not go to a white school and kill white children, she testified. "I get the impression he didn't really know who he shot or why he had shot those particular people. "I don't believe he had intended to kill a baby or a child, but he did go there to kill. "Nobody has the exact answer as to why he did what he did. "When I ask him 'What got into you?' he tells me he can't remember." Can't remember much of shooting

According to Labuschagne' s pre-sentencing report Nel said he couldn't remember much of the incident. And he was uncertain about the parts he could remember. "Sometimes I don't know what I remember and what I've heard from others and what I've read in the papers," he said according to the report.

Labuschagne testified that Nel, his brother Heinrich, 23, and a friend had discussed what they could do to resolve the problem of farm attacks and farm murders, which confronted them daily. She said the seed of the events that played out on January 14 was planted in Nel's head long before. But Nel's planning was poor, Labuschagne said. He did not lock the doors of his parents' farmhouse outside Swartruggens when he left, failed to cover his face and did not remember to take any drinking water along.

She said it would have been much more catastrophic if he had indeed planned it in more detail. The case continues.

http://www.news24. com/News24/ South_Africa/ News/0,,2- 7-1442_2359469, 00.html

'Angry white youths dangerous'


Johannesburg - Many Afrikaner youths are angry and hold rigid views about black people, Professor Jonathan Jansen said on Thursday. Jansen, delivering the 5th Annual Bishop Hans Brenninkmeijer memorial lecture in Johannesburg, said these Afrikaner youths had had no direct experience of apartheid and were born around the time of former state president Nelson Mandela's release from prison. "They (Afrikaner youths) carry within them the seed of bitter knowledge that left unchallenged can easily germinate into the most vile and vicious racial attack." He cited the Waterkloof Four, the Reitz residence "initiation" video, and the Skierlik killings as examples. "The Afrikaner youths' troubled knowledge was transmitted through the family, the church, the schools, cultural associations and peer groups," he said.

Supported white domination

These agencies transmitted "dangerous" messages in all white circles despite spectacular changes in the formal institutions of democracy. Jansen said the Afrikaner youths' beliefs and behaviours mirrored those of their parents - "who upheld, supported and benefited from white domination in the decades before they were born".

The threat of social collapse around white people resulted in them reinforcing racial exclusivity (we belong to ourselves); racial supremacy (we are better than black people) and racial victimisation (we are being targeted by black people), said Jansen. "In the belief system of white youth, these social events are interpreted through a singular lens: black incompetence, black greed, black barbarism and black retaliation, " said Jansen. In a bid to understand their "anger" Jansen said he lived inside the lives of white Afrikaners. His findings were that it was hard to change their views of other people. However, he said for transformation to be successful, South Africans on both sides (blacks and white) had to be prepared to make a move towards each other.

'Represent red flags'

He said white people had to move out of their "comfort zones" and embrace not tolerate, their fellow human beings if they wanted to "make it" in the new South Africa. "But white fathers loomed large as racial gatekeepers in their homes. We must get together and figure it out for the sake our country and the future," said Jansen.

In his lecture, Jansen highlighted that many white South Africans felt that the recent xenophobic attacks, and the escalation in fuel and food prices, and interests rates, were a "black problem". "In other words, the weight of public discourse suggests a white man's burden," said Jansen. On the "shaky democracy", Jansen blamed the ANC Youth League "thugs" for their "kill for Zuma" talk. "The precipitous state of public institutions - the Human Rights Commission, the Presidency, the SABC and the Judiciary - represent the red flags of our fragile democracy," he said.

Publié dans contemporary africa

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