West Papuan churches send an S.O.S to the International Community

Publié le par hort


As leaders of churches in West Papua who are concerned about all aspects of our people’s life, we are deeply concerned that the Special Autonomy which should have brought solutions to the Papuan people’s problems, has, in fact, failed.

We witnessed that the government of Indonesia did not seriously, wholly and systematically implement the Special Autonomy law No 21/2001. We have an assumption that two very secret documents of the Government of Indonesia have influenced and affected the way the Special Autonomy was inconsequently and inconsistently implemented. First, on the 9th June 2000, the Director-General for the National State Integrity (which is a section of the Ministry of Home Affairs) issued a very secret document. The document with the following registration number: 578/NK/KESBANG/D/IV/VI/2006 was issued following a radiogram and a fax from the acting Governor of Irian Jaya province (radiogram no: 190/1671/SET/dated 3rd June 2000 and fax no: 190/POM/060200/dated 2nd June 2000) about the demand by the native West Papuans for self determination. The main point of the very secret document from the Home Affairs Ministry was to take strict actions to end the aspirations of West Papua forIndependence through a plan for regional conditioning and community networking development designed to anticipate the political direction of West Papua (then known as Irian Jaya) towards independence and freedom from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia.

Location of the military operations: all regencies, towns, and remote regions of Irian Jaya province. Method of implementation: through extension of regencies and municipalities as many as necessary. Operation Agents: Ministry of Home Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Intelligence Units (BAKIN, BAIS TNI, BIN), Indonesian Arm Force Headquarters, Regional Military Headquarters, Indonesian Police Headquarters, Strategic Armed Force, and Special Arm Force [KOPASSUS]). Second, a document issued from General Secretariat of the National Defence Board in Jakarta dated 27th May 2003 and 28th May 2003 regarding “strategies to solve separatism conflicts in West Papua province through political and security approaches”.

Measures of achievements of the Special Autonomy during 6 years (2001 – 2007) are:
The extension of West Irian Jaya province based on the presidential decree No 1 2003. Although, all native West Papuans have rejected this decree, the Government of Indonesia for political, security and economic interests implemented the decree.
The extension of new regencies in all the Land of West Papua for the interests of migrants and for economic,political and security reasons.
The formation of the Papuan People’s Assembly (MRP) was made 6 months after the approval of the special autonomy law No 21/2001.
The installations of new regional military headquarters and battalions in all parts of the Land of West Papua and the increase of modern equipment. The increase of military soldiers and intelligence in many forms of disguises.
The increase of migrants almost every week by Royal Line passenger ships and every day by aeroplane.
The construction of top exclusive buildings, 5 star-hotels, shopping centers, malls, supermarkets in all parts of the Land of West Papua.

The government of Indonesia claims itself to be a democratic state; however, the native West Papuans experience forced democracy, violent democracy, terror democracy, intimidation democracy, and a democracy that has military, police, mobile brigade faces.An example of a recent case was seen on Friday, 27th April 2007 when a coalition of community groups and students concerned with Papuan development and who identified themselves as KNPP, an Indonesian acronym for the coalition, had a demonstration in front of the Governor of Papua’s office. The demonstration, which was led by Markus Haluk, had the following messages and demands:
The Indonesian police heavily guarded the Governor’s office and stood in the way of the demonstrators. There was a huge presence of intelligence agents who mixed with the demonstrators. The intelligence agents carried weapons and cameras and acted as if they were journalists and photographed everybody who took part in the demo.

Since the beginning of occupation of the Land of West Papua on the 1st May 1963, the Indonesian government have turned the values of respecting people’s safety, truth and justice, honesty, peace, love, democracy, respecting equality, protecting West Papuan human rights and human dignity in the uniqueness of the native West Papuan life into a violent and torturing democracy. We as the Church hoped that the implementation of the Special Autonomy law 21/2001 would revitalize, reconstruct and defend the above universal values. However, the implementation of Special Autonomy law 21/2001 was even crueler and made the future of the native West Papuans even darker. The “democracy process” has become a serious threat.Democracy has disastrous and cruel faces in West Papua. There is no freedom for the native West Papuans to move and do open activities. What now exists in West Papua are fears and no freedom. Any activity needs permission and approval from the Indonesian police. The freedom of the native human beings in West Papua has been handcuffed and killed. During the time of the Special Autonomy law, there is no freedom, justice and peace for the native West Papuans. Indeed the native West Papuans do not have freedom in the time of the Special Autonomy law 21/2001. The native West Papuans have experienced intimidation and terror because the Indonesian military restricted and violently oppressed the people to stop them holding open demonstrations in West Papua.

Indonesian intelligence agents in many forms of disguise are everywhere in all parts of West Papua. They prevent the native West Papuans from being able to act freely. In order to stop or kill democracy, the Indonesian police and intelligence agents arrest, bring to court, and jail leaders who lead and guard the growth of democratic freedom.On the 29th March 2007 the Indonesian state police at Jayapura headquarters issued a letter (the letter with a registered police no B/421/III/2007/Taud) that forbids the native West Papuans from holding open and peaceful demonstrations in Jayapura.

Old approaches such as stigmatizing the native West Papuans still continues even in the time of the Special Autonomy law. This includes stigmatizing any church in West Papua with the label “separatist” which tries to speak out about the sufferings and injustice of the native West Papuan church congregations. One of Indonesian government high officials in Jakarta told the press on the 6thFebruary 2006 that the churches in West Papua supported West Papuan independence. This kind of stigma has silenced or shut out the involvement of all strata of society to find solutions to the Papuan conflict in order to create West Papua as a land of peace. In addition, the Indonesian military, without any convincing evidence, accused Goliat Tabuni, an OPM leader of taking part in a violent case that happened in Mulia, Puncak Jaya regency, on the 12th December 2006. This false accusation, however, has been used as justification for adding a great number of troops to Mulia. The addition of troops has caused 1000 civilians to flee to the jungles and 5000 other civilians are homeless and threatened with starvation.At the beginning of the year 2007, all military institutions in West Papua ranging from district headquarters right up to regional XVII/TRIKORA headquarters actively gave lectures/talks at high schools on the topic of National Defence Education. The lectures aimed at promoting the young generations to love and to defend the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. This type of approach is a kind of indoctrination which destroys the freedom of ideas and expression of the young native West Papuans. Besides, the National Defence education has the potential to create polarizations between native West Papuans which will easily cause horizontal conflicts.

West Papua (previously Irian Jaya) has become a place where native West Papuans are slaughtered since the Indonesians began occupying the Land of West Papua on the 1st May 1963. The culture of violence in the forms of chasing, arresting, kidnapping, imprisonment, torture, killing because of the Papuans are stigmatized as “OPM”, “separatists”, and “subversives” has caused trauma, terror and fears among native West Papuans. These experiences have left bitter memories within the native West Papuans’ hearts.The Indonesian government has told the international community that through the Special Autonomy law, they have improved the condition and human rights situation in West Papua. However, the human right abuses have actually increased during the time of the Special Autonomy law no 21/2001. The evidence is as follows:

Abepura case (7th December 2000). The Abepura district police headquarter was attacked by an unidentified person. The attack had caused the death of a policeman and had injured 3 other policemen. After the incident, the head of Jayapura police headquarters, AKBP Dr Daud Sihombing, with the assistance of Dr Johny Wainal Usman, commander of Papuan Regional Police headquarters mobile brigade task force (Brimob) chased and arrested people that were accused of the attack. The target areas for the search were native West Papuan students’ residences such as Ninmin dormitory, Kobakma dormitory,Mamberamo and Wamena settlement, Yapen Waropen dormitory, the settlement of the Lani tribe, Yali tribe, Anggruk tribe, and Association of Illage students’ dormitory. The result of the attack on the student dormitories was the death of Ory Doronggi and Yonny Karunggu who were killed by police officers inside the Jayapura police cell. In February 2001, the National Human rights commission formed the Abepura Human rights Commission to investigate the case. The Commission’s report stated that based on the law no 26/2000 human rights crimes had been committed in the chase and arrest of the students. The crimes were: torture, summary killings, persecution, unlawful arrest and detention and involuntary displacement of people.

Wasior case. Five mobile brigade (Brimob) personnel and one civilian were killed at CV Vatika Papuana Perkasa (VPP) company base camp in Wondiboi village, Wasior district, on the morning of the 13th June 2001. The police accused the OPM as being the armed group who attacked and took away 6 guns from the police officers who had been killed. After the incident, the police created an assumption that some civilians had committed heavy human rights violations and were hiding in some villages. The named villages were: Wondiboi, Yomakan, Wondamawi I and Isei. The chase involved mobile brigade personnel from Manokwari led by Iptu Widianto who at that time reported to AKBP Bambang Budi Santoso, head of Manokwari police headquarters. The next chase was ordered by Mangku Pastika, head of Papuan regional police headquarters. In addition, the police personnel in each of the regional police headquarters such as Wasior, Manokwari, Serui and Nabire were suspected of committing heavy human rights violation in each of the police headquarters region as a result of the chase.

A very special case that the Government of Indonesia handled was the shooting of a teacher of PT Freeport International School in August 2002 at Mile 62-63 Tembagapura Timika that caused the death of 3 civilians (2 US citizens and 1 Indonesian citizen) and other injured victims. Twelve civilians were accused as actors of the incident and were arrested. The FBI who arrested the twelve civilians cheated them and promised to take them to the US but then handed them over to an Indonesian riot police unit and mobile brigade of Kuala Kencana. Clearly, there was collusion between the FBI and the Indonesian police to sacrifice the twelve civilians for their only one interest. Seven of the civilians who were kept at Cipinang prison (Jakarta) are Antonius Wamang (life sentence), Agustinus Anggaibak or Joni Karamol (8 years), Yulianus Deikme or Pely Deikme (8 years), Revd. Ishak Onawame (5 years), Esau Onawame (5 years), Yairus  Kiwak or Kibak (5 years) and the late Hardi Tsugumol (5 years).

On the 15th of December 2001 at 10.30 in Tiom, Jayawijaya regency, an Indonesian military personnel shot to death four civilians named Babier Wenda (45 years old), Tepinus Wandik (29 years old), Terianus Tabuni (29 years old), and Wekinus Wenda (37 years old). The motive behind the shooting was that the four civilians had raised the Morning Star [West Papuan independence] flag in Tiom. The killing of Kimaam ship crews (15?) and other incidents in July 2001 in Kimaam Merauke. The kidnapping and the killing of Theys Eluay and Aristoteles Masoka committed by Indonesian special force on 10thNovember 2001. Aristoteles Masoka’s body has not been found until today. Evidence of Their murder was convincingly proved at the High Military court III in Surabaya. Human rights abuses against the refugees from Merauke in PNG in 2002. The shooting of Elsye Bonai, the wife of Johanes Bonai, a Papuan human right activist in Wutung Jayapura on the 28thDecember 2002.

The Wamena case began from the destruction of the weapon store of Wamena military district headquarter on the 4th April 2003. The incident was followed by heavy human rights violation towards the civilians from several villages who were accused of destroying the military weapon store. The villages are Wamena town, Sinakma, Bilume, Asologaima, Woma, Honai lama, Napua, Wlaik, Moragame-Piramyd, Ibele, Ilekma, Kwiyage-Tiom, Hilume, Okilik, Kikume, near Kwiyage such as Luarum, Wupaga, Negeyagin, Negeya, Mume and Timine. The military operation after the destruction of the weapon store which took 3 months since April 2003 was ordered by Marumsyah, local commander of the military district headquarters, Ontang Roma P, commander of the  regional military headquarter and Nurdin Zainal, High Commander of Trikora Military XVII Region.

After the Wamena case, at least seven civilians were accused as criminals and given life imprisonment. Six of them are inMakassar prison and one of them is in Wamena prison. At present the conditions of three prisoners are deteriorating (ill). The three prisoners are Kanius Murib (Wamena prison), Numbungga Telenggeng (Makassar) and Linus Heluka (Makassar). The four other prisoners in Makassar are Enos Lokobal, Yaprai Murib, Mikael Heselo and Kimanus Wenda.

Military operation in Kuyuwagi on 19th April 2003 that killed 10 civilians and 61 people died of starvation in their hiding place in the jungle. The Indonesian military also destroyed and burned hospitals, church and school buildings, and garden fences. In this operation, the Indonesian military burned 23 church buildings, eight of them belong to the Fellowship of West Papuan Baptist Churches, nine church buildings belong to the West Papuan Tabernacle Church, and finally 6 church buildings belong to Indonesian Evangelical Church. The killing of Yustinus Murip and his 10 other colleagues in Yeleka village, Kurulu district, Jayawijaya regency – West Papua. The incident happened on the 5th November 2003. Yustinus and his colleagues were accused of destroying the military weapon store in Wamena on the 4th April 2003.

In 2004 in Puncak Jaya , the special forces killed Reverend Elisa Tabuni, burned people’s houses and gardens and forced people to flee to the jungles. On the 17th January 2005 Miron Wenda was tortured and beaten near Kimi River by a soldier from Battalion 753 in Nabire. On the 20th January 2006, the Indonesian police shot to death Moses Douw in Wagete village. On the 16th March 2006 the Indonesian intelligence killed Denny Hisage and cut open and pulled out his stomach and intestines. There were also many other similar human rights cases that were committed by the Indonesian military and police.

Mulia Puncak Jaya incident on the 13th November 2003. The incident happened after the distribution of Direct Cash Fund (oil compensation fund). According to a witness, the incident happened because there were people who had not been registered to receive the direct cash fund. Other sources stated that local elites who were involved in the criteria selection of the regional election in Puncak Jaya for the period of 2007-2012 had used several youths to create conflicts. The riot caused destruction and big loss of billions of rupiahs for the state. People burned government houses and the official residence of the member of the regional parliament.

On the 8th December 2006, two military personnel, Joko Susanto, a special force member, and Tobias Sirken, a retired military officer were killed. The Indonesian military, then, dropped troops from helicopters on the 27th – 28th December 2006 into Mulia town. The next day (29th December 2006) two traditional customary houses were burned. The houses which located 3 km from Kota Lama Mulia and belonged to Dainus Gaime, chairman of GIDI church and Laringgen Murib, a member of GIDI church. At 14.00 hrs, a mobile brigade personnel chased and searched for Morning Star flag raisers and killed Gumi Murib (34 years old) near the location of the two burned houses. On the 6th – 7th January 2007, a massive number of refugees from the Lani tribe in Yamo district in GIDI church evangelical regions across from Yamo river fled to the areas across from Yamo river. Others kept walking to Kiyage. (The Kiyage area is 2 days walk through very heavy and dangerous jungles.)

Total number of refugees is 5,137. The refugees experienced starvation. Some of the refugees went to Mulia town and stayed with their families and relatives. Others stayed at GIDI residence in Kota Lama.Four refugees who died in the refugees camp because of illness and starvation are Tano Telenggen (50 years old), Laya Morib (30 years old), Mitiles Moriob (20 years old), and Walin Wonda (41 years old). The death of Ardi Sugumol who died on the 1st December 2006 in the Indonesian Police headquarter’s prison. His body is still in the morgue in Jakarta. Ardi Sugumol was accused of being involved in the mile 63 incident at PT Freeport mining area. Eko Berotabui, son of the Synod chairman of the West Papuan Evangelical Christian Church, died in the Abepura prison on 2nd February 2007. Eko Beratabui was accused of being involved in the 16th March 2006 Abepura incident. The death of Eko was suspicious and mysterious.

Recently, Kostan Yolman, 30 years old, was shot to death in a remote village of the Merauke regency. The police acknowledge that the shooting was because of a misunderstanding. After Kostan was shot to death, his body was taken to the police office and was laid on the police office yard until his family came to pick his body up and take him to the hospital. The family could not see him freely because the police guarded his body. There are many cases like this one in West Papua. In a recent case in Manokwari, for instance, a policeman who was assigned to guard the regional secretary of West Irian Jaya province, beat and tortured Mr Obed Ayok, a respectable community leader. Mr Ayok has requested many times for a meeting with the regional secretary of the province but his requests have been continuously rejected. The rejection was considered as an insult to a community leader such as Mr Ayok.

On 17th April 2007 in the village of Kwel, Eligobel district, near the border of Merauke regency , the regional military XVII/TRIKORA bought 2 hectares of traditional customary lands from Okto Kwamaljai for Rp. 10,000,000 (ten million rupiahs). The land will be used for a new military base. Along the border region between Papua New Guinea and southern part of Papua province, the Indonesian military has posts which are guarded by soldiers from Siliwangi Kala Hitam, West Java. In every post, there are 25 personnel. The distance between the military post and the village of the native West Papuansis 5 km. During the implementation of the Special Autonomy law no 21, 2001 in West Papua, the Indonesian government, military, and the state police reported to the international community that the security situation in West Papua was safe, conducive, and under control. And during that time the international community has been fed with false information and unjustified reports. The information was not based on the reality in West Papua.

The truth is that during the implementation of the Special Autonomy law in West Papua, the [apparently stable] security situation was forced. It did not happen naturally. Indonesian military, police and courts created the security condition through force, oppression, terror and intimidation. Thus, the security that was created by the Indonesian military, the Indonesian police and the Indonesian courts was a fake security. It was not a natural security condition and it can only last for a temporary time. the military operations in West Papua are still continuing for the sake of defending the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia without any consideration for or awareness of the protection of human rights, human dignity, justice, democracy and peace.

The military operations in West Papua during the Special Autonomy era has been the most frightening ones up till now. Military faces are everywhere in many forms of disguises. There is no freedom for the native West Papuans. The military has built its bases along the land border and sea border and also in the transmigration areas. They have also built up a military presence such as battalions in almost all parts of West Papua. Everyday we can see military trucks full of soldiers. The soldiers are walking around the towns of West Papua and they usually stand in front of shopping centers. The native West Papuans are confronted by faces intended to terrorize them. Open and hidden intimidation happens everywhere.

Indonesian intelligence agents are in disguise everywhere in almost all corners of towns in West Papua. They dress and act as motor cycle riders, shop assistants, street traders, voucher salesmen, hotel and restaurant waiters, hotel and airport drivers, public transport drivers, students, civil servants and collectors of scrap metal. Their task is to watch Papuans in places such as supermarkets and any roads used by the native West Papuans.At Sentani Airport in Jayapura, in Timika, Biak, Nabire, Serui, Sorong, Merauke, Manokwari, the ticketing officers, the security guards, the airport staff, airport workers, airport taxi drivers and the people walking around as motor cycle riders are Indonesian soldiers and police in disguise. The Indonesian intelligence agents monitor and even terrorize any native West Papuan. The future of the native West Papuans under the Special Autonomy law is even more dangerous because of terror, intimidationand violence. This has directly and indirectly become a serious threat.

The expansion of Indonesian military units and their establishment in various places in West Papua such as the battalions in Wamena, Timika and Merauke in 2004, and in 2006 the establishment of Navy headquarters in Sorong and Manokwari and the establishment of Air Force headquarter in Biak. Beside the Air Force headquarters in Biak, military posts have been installed in remote areas of Biak such as Mapia Island, Barari Gulf, and Korem beach. The Indonesian Air Force also has cooperated with Russia to use Biak as a place to test their ballistic weapons. The installment of military posts and headquarters has not only created fear among the native West Papuans, but they have also created an injustice for the people because most of the land taken for building military posts was not fairly compensated for. In other words, the people did not have a fair payment for their traditional right to the land that has been taken away.

It is very clear that the military operations in Pucak Jaya regency were paid for out of the Special Autonomy fund. This fund has been used to kill the native West Papuans through military operations. As the President of the Fellowship of West Papuan Baptist Churches, I [Revd Socratez Sofyan Yoman] found the evidence that an amount of Rp. 2,500,000,000,00 (two billion, five hundred million rupiahs) has been used to support military operations. The Papuan Provincial House of Parliament found the evidence that Rp. 3,000,000,000,00 (three billion rupiahs) were used for the military operations. The regional government of Puncak Jaya allocated Rp.19,000,000,000,00 (nineteen billion rupiahs) for food and medicines for refugees. There is no evidence that the money was given to the refugees. The money was simply lost.

On 17th April 2007 in the village of Kwel, Eligobel district, near the border of Merauke regency , the regional military XVII/TRIKORA bought 2 hectares of traditional customary lands from Okto Kwamaljai for Rp. 10,000,000 (ten million rupiahs). The land will be used for a new military base. Along the border region between Papua New Guinea and the southern part of Papua province, the Indonesian military has posts which are guarded by soldiers from Siliwangi Kala Hitam, West Java. In every post, there are 25 personnel. The distance between the military post and the village of the native West Papuans is 5 km. On Friday, 4th May 2007, at 08.00am in the KUWERA office and in the evening at 20.00pm in front of Papua Post office, two Indonesian intelligence officers named Charles Telabanua and Frans Sembiring visited two Papuan men, Musa Tipogauw and Napan Yoman. They questioned Musa and Napan on their involvement in a struggle to defend traditional rights of the UGIMBA tribe over the areas where PT Freeport Indonesia is doing its mining explorations in Tembagapura. The officers asked to see the letters of recommendation from government, customary and religious leaders that support the struggle of the native UGIMBA tribe. They said that the purpose of their request was that they had an intention to help the UGIMBA tribe in their struggle. One of their questions was whether the UGIMBA’s struggle to defend their traditional land rights related to West Papuan independence. The two West Papuansreplied “NO” “Our struggle for our traditional land rights does not relate to West Papuan independence”. On Friday, 11th May 2007 at 10.30am, a man named Brigadier-General Albert who introduced himself as the co-ordinator of the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) for Papua region came to my house. Two days earlier he phoned me and invited me to go out and have a meeting and lunch. I refused his invitation and said that I had already had other appointments. The purpose of his visit was to invite me to speak to the Strategic Research Board of the State Intelligence Agency in Jakarta in the middle of June 2007. I questioned Albert’s full name and requested his name card but he said his name was Albert only and he did not have a name card. I asked Albert what issues need to be addressed in Jakarta and what Papua problems need to be presented. Albert asked me to mention names of important people in Jakarta whom he could also invite to speak to the Strategic Research Board. On the same day, 11th May 2007, two intelligence agents went to Cahaya Papua, a small bookshop in Jayapura. The two intelligence agents questioned the shop assistant on many things about West Papua and about myself. Feeling a bit suspicious, the shop assistant told them not to ask questions about West Papua but if they wanted to know about West Papua and about Mr Socratez Sofyan Yoman, they could buy the books about West Papua. The two officers apologized and left the shop. 
On the 12th May 2007, the regional military commander of 172/PWY Colonel Kav Burhanuddin Siagian made a statement that “traitors of the nation must be destroyed”. The commander said “if I meet any individual who has enjoyed the sate facilities but who still betrays the nation, honestly, I will destroy him. Do not do any demonstrations or actions which are not useful. Do not try to dig up past history.” His comments were published in Cenderawasih Post newspaper in Jayapura in response to demands of the native West Papuans for a review of the 1969 Act of Free Choice and the human rights abuses during the past 44 years in West Papuaand for a national and an international dialogue.


The Papuan People’s Assembly (MRP) has proposed a Special Regulation for the distribution of the Special Autonomy fund. The Special Autonomy fund has been approved by the Regional House of Parliament and was given to the governor of Papua. However, the regulation is not clear and transparent. The Special Regulation that governs the distribution of the Special Autonomy fund to churches that have the majority of Papuans such as Christian Evangelical Church in West Papua, the Fellowships of West Papuan Baptist Churches, Indonesian EvangelicalChurch, Tabernacle Church, Pentecostal Church, for instance, was cancelled by the Governor. The Governor plans to give Rp. 100,000,000.00 (one hundred million rupiahs) cash to each village. It is not a good and wise solution. It is far better if the Special Autonomy fund was channeled through existing church institutions that have established organizational structure and service administration and which have been working closely with the people as members of the church. The churches already have educational, health and economic institutions. The church institutions can function optimally through regular and accountable funding. The role of the government, therefore, should be as a control institution, which will receive periodical reports from the church. However, the government has ignored the church that has played important roles in the field of education, health and economic empowerment since 5th February 1855 – 2007 (152 years) and since the Indonesian occupation of West Papua for 44 years since 1963 – 2007.
The native West Papuans are very unfortunate in the state of Indonesia. The native West Papuans have been labeled “separatists” or “OPM” and accused of conducting subversive actions since the 15th August 1962 New York Agreement and the Act of Free Choice in 1969 that forced the native West Papuans into Indonesian occupation.

The West Papuans from the Melanesian race have been hunted, arrested, imprisoned, tortured, kidnapped, and raped, and were taken to the court to face trial. History has proved that the native West Papuans never won any trial and never has justice in an Indonesian court. The native West Papuans are always accused as the ones on the wrong side because of their opposition against the official ruling government. They have even been poisoned to death in the prison and some of them were even killed openly by torture in a very inhuman way. The Indonesian law never defends the native West Papuans.The expectation of the native West Papuans was that Special Autonomy would guarantee justice and that the law would defend them and their freedom in the court. However, it is very sad to say that in reality that expectation has never been fulfilled. The native West Papuans only experience fake expectations and disappointment.

Based on the law no 26/2000 about human rights court, the National Human Rights Commission has completed investigations into two serious human rights violations (Wamena case and Wasior case) and submitted the report to the Indonesian Supreme court with a letter no 290/TUA/IX/2004 dated 3rd September 2004. The report had details of the suspects and their evidence. Without any clear reasons, the Supreme Court judge returned the National Human Rights Commission’s report with a letter no R-209/A/F.6/II/2004 dated 30th November 2004. The National Human Rights Commission, however, sent the report back to the Supreme Court judge because they did not see any clear reason why the report was returned to them. This case shows that the Indonesian government did not have any intention of seriously bringing those guilty of serious human right violations in West Papua to the court. On the ther hand, the Wamena case happened after the 1st July 2002 so it entered into force statuta Rome and therefore was considered to be brought into International forum/court.

In February 2003, the Indonesian Supreme Court judge pronounced AKBP Dr. Daud Sihombing, ex-commander of Jayapura regional police headquarters and Johny Wainal Usman, commander of the Papuan regional mobile brigade force as the suspects of the Abepura case. The Supreme Court did not however charge 23 other suspects of the Abepura case who were involved in the Abepura human rights case as had been reported by the Abepura Human Rights Commission. In addition, the Supreme Court’s delay in bringing the suspects to trial was a serious violation of the human rights law no 26/2000 article 24 that says that “The prosecution ought to be conducted no later than 70 days after the time the investigation report was received.” The Supreme Court judge has also violated universal principles of the International Civil Rights Covenant of 1966 which states that cases must be tried without undue delay. After going through a long process, the Indonesian court freed the two suspects of the human rights crime. The court decision showed how the Government of Indonesia in fact never had a genuine intention to bring to justice the suspects of serious human rights violations in West Papua.

Special Autonomy law no 21/2001 was expected to protect the basic rights of the native West Papuans and to guard democracy, freedom and peace. However, Special Autonomy has become a tool for oppressing the native West Papuans. During the time of the implementation of Special Autonomy, the native West Papuans are still living behind bars in Indonesian prisons in West Papua, Makassar, and Java island. The Indonesians are applying the same Dutch colonial approach. In who in the Dutch time, they sent Indonesian freedom fighters to Digul prison in West Papua. And now, since the time the Indonesians occupied West Papuans, the fighters of justice, peace and human rights have been arrested, punished and imprisoned outside West Papua such as in Makassar and Java island. Examples of the native West Papuans who are still living inside Indonesian prisons are Filep Karma, Yusak Pakage, Selfius Bobi, and many others in West Papua. Special autonomy law 21/2001 did not bring justice, freedom, democracy and did not respect the native West Papuans’ human rights.

In order to keep the integrity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, the Indonesian military and police always chase, arrest, torture, rape, kill, and shoot to death the native West Papuans.The Indonesian military (TNI) is directly involved in various businesses. They are involved in illegal logging, illegal fishing, gaharuwood (the rooted xylem which yield fragrant resinous material), and bring prostitutes who had been infected with HIV AIDS to the native people and especially the people who collect gaharu wood. They are involved in panning for gold and distribution of alcoholic beverages to the native West Papuans. They are also involved in setting up body massage centers, supporting and protecting foreign companies and involved in facing the native West Papuans with violence to take away their lands to be used for their business interests. The involvement of military personnel in illegal business has disabled the legal system. As a result, none of the military officers can be brought to trial. The existence in West Papua of the Indonesian military and police, who are here not only for security reasons but also for business, has created a complex economic conflict.
The truth has been revealed about the relation between the interest of defending the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and the interest of defending the economic advantages of the Indonesian military and police in West Papua. The reality showed that the military and police get advantages from their involvement in both legal and illegal business. Furthermore, their position has become much stronger because business companies (mining and timber
companies) request the military and police to ensure the companies’ exploitation and theft of West Papuan natural resources runs smoothly. PT Freeport Indonesia, for instance, spent $4.7 million US dollars in 2001 and $5.6 million US dollars in 2002 for “protection fees” during the time when Special Autonomy was supposed to be working to protect the native West Papuans. Special Autonomy has not given any benefits and is not helping the native West Papuans to have their rights fairly. The most fortunate people who get benefits from Special Autonomy are the Indonesian military, police and migrants.

The Governor of Papua has not given his opinion or in depth analysis about the operations of foreign companies such as Freeport in West Papua.The presence of PT Freeport and BP has brought bad impacts to the native West Papuans such as exploitation and destruction of the environment (for example forests and mountains), pollution and poisoning of clean water. Native West Papuans were removed, killed, and lost their land, mountains and clean water forever because Indonesian and foreign companies have taken it all away. However, the Governor did not consider all these things but was still looking for new investors to oppress the native West Papuansand exploit all their natural resources. He is now inviting Chinese and Japanese businesses to come into West Papua. The Church does not agree with and does not support foreign companies that do not protect the native West Papuans, their land, forests, and mountains. Special Autonomy has brought disadvantages to the native West Papuans.

The name “WEST PAPUA” is the name that reflects the identity and the true self of Papuans who live from Sorong (in the West) to Merauke (in the East). This is because the Papuan land from Sorong (West Papua) to Samarai (PNG) geographically is one island (New Guinea island) which was divided in the middle with a red line by the colonial powers into two parts; East Papua (Papua New Guinea) and West Papua (formerly called Irian Jaya). “West Irian Jaya” province was established for military and security purposes, not in the interests of the native West Papuans. Therefore, giving this province the name “West Papua” to replace “West Irian Jaya” was inappropriate and wrong.

The Special Autonomy law has not been able to put pressure on or to control or to manage PT Freeport company (the US based company), BP in Bintuni (the British company), Rio Tinto (the British/Australian company), Mr Wong Group (the Malaysian company) and other forest concession companies. The presence of the multinational and national companies has brought negative impacts rather than benefits for the native West Papuans. PT Freeport, Rio Tinto, BP, Mr Wong Group and other forest concession holders have brought heavy destructions to the forests and mountains, and have poisoned clean water with their companies’ waste. The native West Papuans who own the land where the mining companies are operating were removed from their land and were not given proper attention. Many of them have suffered and lost their land, forests, mountains and water forever. Company workers were recruited from outside West Papua and for the “protection” of the companies, Indonesian military and police have been placed within the companies. The environmental destruction will be difficult to restore and rehabilitate. The Mr Wong Group from Malaysia has massively exploited natural resources through illegal logging which has destroyed the environment and wiped out native Papuan flora and fauna such as sago and dammar wood, fish and other unique habitats which are the native West Papuans sources of living.
A series of human rights violations that occurred in this region has created an accumulative injustice which is very disturbing. A special problem that occurred since West Papua was occupied by the Republic of Indonesia was the starting of PT Freeport McMoran Inc.’s copper and gold mining exploitation on the 5th April 1967 in Timika with the approval of the Indonesian government. The gold mining exploitation did not bring any progress to the Papuan people as a whole. Like problems created by other multi-national companies, the presence of this company has caused not only environmental destruction but also caused serious socio-economic and socio-political problems. Chris Ballard, an Australian anthropologist, who used to work for PT Freeport Indonesia and Abigail Abrash, a human right activist from the USA have calculated that around 160 people had been killed by the Indonesian military during 1975-1997 in the mining area around PT Freeport Indonesia (New York Times, December 2005).

The West Papuan people’s rejection of PT Freeport Indonesia continued simultaneously because the gold mining exploitation did not bring any significant progress to the whole Papuan people. The culmination of protests against PT Freeport was the incident on 16thMarch 2006, known as “B16M”(Indonesian acronym for ‘Bentrokan 16 Maret”/ 16 March Riot”) in front of Cenderawasih university. It is likely that there were human rights crimes committed against the protestors by legal officials, especially by the police during the chasing, arresting and trial of protestors at the Jayapura court. The court and the judges that examined the case did not do a fair and transparent job. There were 24 suspects sentenced to between 5-15 years imprisonment. However, based on the evidence brought to the court, they were not criminals as accused by the investigator JPU. However, they still got their punishment. On the same day they had their sentence (16th March 2006), the Indonesian mobile brigade and police destroyed Reverend Socratez Sofyan Yoman’s (President of the Fellowships of West Papuan Baptist Churches) car with an accusation that Socrates supported and sponsored demonstrations by supplying explosive materials and mineral water.

The 16th March 2006 incident gave convincing evidence of racial discrimination. On this day the native West Papuans became the target of the mobile brigade (Brimob) and Indonesian intelligence agents ‘anger and brutality. Any passing West Papuan pedestrians were beaten, tortured, shot, and experienced other inhuman actions. The migrants, on the other hand, were really free. They opened their kiosk booth, shops, restaurants, and were doing business as usual without any fear. Because the migrants are Indonesians, they received protection from the Indonesian military and police. Reverend Lipiyus Biniluk (Synod chairman of Indonesian EvangelicalChurch) witnessed several mobile brigade and Indonesian intelligence agents who tortured the native West Papuans. He warned them and said, “Your actions are very racist and discriminative! Are you doing the state’s duty or do you want to kill the native West Papuans? Why did you let them (the migrants) laugh freely whilst at the same time behaving so cruelly towards these native West Papuans that you’ve tortured? You’d better stop your actions before I break your neck!” The threat of this reverend did helping this one case. However, the chase, arrest, and torture of the native West Papuans still continued.

The fact that migrants in all over the Land of West Papua got protection proved the existence of serious racial discrimination. The Indonesian migrants from outside West Papua receive the best treatment. They have land that has been seized from the native West Papuans, their houses, religious buildings, schools, good quality roads and bridges and electricity are all provided for them by the State. Indonesian Military and police posts have been set up every kilometer and even at every migrant location. Thus, this makes the trans-migrants safe because the Indonesian military and police protect them, whereas the native West Papuans are completely rejected and even killed by being labeled “OPM” (Free Papua Movement), “separatists” and “subversives”. The Special Autonomy law 21/2001has not improved this situation, in fact, it has increased the police and the migrants and has marginalized the native West Papuans. Indeed, Special Autonomy has been a decision that had brought disaster to the native West Papuans.

The most hurting discrimination towards native West Papuans was when the local government in Manokwari (the town where the first Christian missionaries arrived in 1855) decided to make it a “missionary town” (in which Christian teaching would be enshrined in the local laws). However, the Indonesian Ministers of Religious and Home affairs both prohibited the plan. Why? The Indonesian government does not make restrictions and interventions like this outside West Papua especially in the regions where Muslims are the majority (for example Islamic law is allowed in Aceh).

The Land of West Papua from Sorong to Merauke is very rich in natural resources. The native West Papuans live on a land which is very rich with its natural resources. There is gold, silver, gaharu wood, trees, fish, and other unique flora and fauna. There is also rich land belonging to the native West Papuans which grows sago and sweet potatoes. Many of the natural resources cannot be mentioned here. But on top of this richness, the native West Papuans are poor, not because they are really poor, but because the systems created and applied by the Indonesian government have oppressed and destroyed the native West Papuans. The Special Autonomy law 21/2001 does not guarantee the protection of the native West Papuan rights to survival and to their natural resources.

The Indonesian government gives more support to Indonesia and foreign businessmen to help them exploit the natural resources of West Papua. Native West Papuans are never involved in any business contracts. Instead they are removed with gun violence. The native West Papuans as the rightful owners of the land, forests, and mountains, have been made powerless and hopeless. They have lost their rights over their customary lands. The Government of Indonesia acts as if it is the rightful owner of land and mountains in West Papua and they divide the revenues between themselves and the business operators. Meanwhile, the native West Papuans have become mere observers and witnesses of crime: of the theft of their land and seizure of their resources. Special Autonomy has not fulfilled its promises. It has not protected the rights of the native West Papuans.

The extension of provinces and regencies in the whole territory of West Papua was an intelligence plan, supported by the military, to destroy the social unity and culture of the native West Papuans (divide and rule). In other words, this is a new form and method of military and transmigration operations. Unfortunately, the extension of provinces and regencies, which was supposed to accelerate the government’s services and give equality in development has in fact, marginalized the native West Papuans and made them even poorer. The result of the extension of provinces and regencies in West Papua has caused the native West Papuans lose their land. The government claims that the land it has taken will be used to build government offices that will serve the people.

Most ironically, the native West Papuans are not able to compete in the field of government, economy, education and health because the extension of provinces and regencies was implemented without considering local human resource potentials. Therefore the migrants mostly took the new jobs. Those who occupy important positions in West Papua are 85% migrants, the remaining percentage are the native West Papuans who mostly have very low positions such as porters; they do not make decisions.

In the economic field, the native West Papuans are marginalized and the migrants were dominant.In addition, there is no serious effort to develop education and health. In order to protect the extended regions, military and police have been greatly increased. This shows that the extensions of new provinces and regencies are only for security, political and economic reasons, not for the benefit of the native West Papuans. The goal was to isolate and limit the native West Papuans into each province and regency and therefore it will make it easier to destroy the native West Papuans because they are powerless under a very tight control.

The Indonesians (migrants) are the ruling class. They occupy all important positions in all regencies and municipalities in Papua and West Irian Jaya provinces. The migrants hold important and strategic positions. Special Autonomy law 21/2001 has not guaranteed important and strategic job vacancies for the native West Papuans, but has given them to the Indonesian migrants who use them to oppress and marginalized the native West Papuans, who are Pacific Melanesians.

During the implementation of the Special Autonomy law 21/2001, the Indonesians reported to the international community that native West Papuans held all the important positions in West Papua. It is true that the governors, the regents, the mayors, the chairmen of regional houses of parliament and some members of parliament are West Papuans. However, let’s have a look at the people that hold positions as deputies, regional secretaries, head of finance departments, head of administration bureaus, head of education departments, and other strategic and important positions in the provinces, regencies and municipalities.Some real examples:

Regional Secretary of Papua Province, Drs Tedjo Suprapto,MM (Javanese/migrant) who was inaugurated on the 20th May 2007 to replace Andi Baso Bassaleng (Makassar tribe/Moslem migrant); Ibrahim Badaruddin (Ternate/Moslem migrant) holds position as Secretary of the Papuan People Assembly; Achmad Hatari (Ternate/Moslem migrant) holds position as Head of Finance department, Papua province; Ruslan (Tenate/Moslem migrant) holds position as Treasurer of Papua Province; Ali Murdin (Ternate/Moslem migrant) holds position as Head of Treasury department, Papua province; Istyanto (Javanese/Moslem migrant) holds position as Head of Financial  Verification department, Papua province. The government argued that certain positions would require professional staff with certain ranks and qualifications. The question is during 44 years of Indonesian occupation of West Papua, what have they done to the native West Papuans? Whom have they prepared to be qualified and professional in order to fulfill the job requirements? The followings are another example from Jayapura Regency top officials:

Ir La Achmady,MMT (migrant), second deputy of the regional secretary of Jayapura regency;
Ir Tunggul TH Sitompul (migrant), Head of Transportation department; Drs Mustaming (migrant), Head of Industry; Jan Pieter Sondakh, S.Sos, M.Si (migrant), Head of State Integrity and Community Protection department; Drs I Nyoman Sutjipta (migrant), Head of Information and Communication department; Ir Tasrief (migrant), Head of Plantation department; Bintoro, BE (migrant), Head of Cipta Karya (manufacture) department; Rachmat Suherman,S.Sos (migrant), Head of Animal Husbandry; Ir Amos Hokoyoku (Papuan), Head of Forestry department; Drs Alsons Sesa (Papuan), Head of regional training center. This is a sample taken from Jayapura regency to show that migrants (non-native West Papuans) occupied many of important positions during the Special Autonomy era.

The barometer of the economic progress and the level of welfare of the native West Papuans during the implementation of Special Autonomy must be clear. Some evidence must be provided in order to show the economic improvement of the native West Papuans. Do we see the native West Papuans trading and shopping in the big new shopping centers and luxury buildings? NO, we see nativeWest Papuans on the street with banana leaves covering their goods in front of YASMIN hotel and GELAEL shopping center in the center of Jayapura town. Where is the evidence of economic progress of the native West Papuans during Special Autonomy?

If the picture of the economy of the native West Papuans in town centers already showed terrible conditions such as the picture described above, then, how can we think of the economy of the native West Papuans who live behind the mountains, in the valleys, the highlands and in the coastal areas which are far from towns? The measure of economic progress of the native West Papuans should be viewed from the rural areas and not from the urban areas. However, ironically the conditions in the towns are worse than in rural areas. Workers inside shopping centers, banks, companies, hotels are 99% or even almost 100% dominated by migrants. The native West Papuans are really oppressed, suffering and are marginalized economically in their own regions.

The United Nation Development Project (UNDP) in its millennium development goals in West Papua province, published in March 2007, stated that the human development index of West Papuans was the lowest of all other Indonesian regions. West Papua was the 3rd lowest from 33 provinces in Indonesia. This proves the above assumptions. The number shows that the level of poverty in West Papua is the worst in all Indonesian regions.

Perhaps, the Indonesian government thought there is real development because they associate the establishment of big buildings, luxurious hotels and shopping centres as real development. In Jayapura, we can see supermarkets and shopping centres along the road from Sentani to Jayapura. There seems to be rapid economic development and progress. The question is, however, who is benefiting from this development? Migrants or native West Papuans? (I urge you to look for yourself at the Gelael Shopping Centre in Jayapura and make up your own mind.)Do we want to regard the native West Papuans who sell their agricultural products along the streets, outside the big shopping centres and hotels such as YASMIN Hotel and Gelael Shopping Centre in Jayapura as economic progress under Special Autonomy?

If the picture described above of economy of the native West Papuans in town centres already shows terrible conditions, then, how can we think of the economy of the native West Papuans who live behind the mountains, in the valleys, the highlands and in coastal areas which are far from towns?

Workers inside shopping centres, banks, companies, hotels are 99% or even almost 100% dominated by migrants Who are the owners of the shops, supermarkets, and the top shopping centres? Who are the workers inside the shopping centres? Where are the native West Papuans who were removed from their customary lands when their lands were taken for supermarkets and shopping centres? The native West Papuans are really oppressed and
marginalized economically in their own regions.

The Special Autonomy law 21/2001 has brought disaster to the native West Papuans on their own land. During the Special Autonomy era many top hotels have been built in West Papua. The luxury buildings were built in a very short time, only within 5 to 9 months. This repeats the question of whether the construction of top hotels shows the progress and development of the native West Papuans? Who owns the hotel? Who works at the hotel? How much money did the native West Papuans have as compensations for their land that has been used for hotel constructions? Where have the native West Papuans been moved to in order to survive?

As a result of the above conditions, the native West Papuans have lost everything and their future is dark in their own country. Those who have power over the economy in West Papua are predominantly migrants. They are fully protected and facilitated by the Indonesian military and police.
Educational condition during the time of Special Autonomy is very bad. The future of the native West Papuans who mostly live in coastal areas, highlands, and valleys is dark because they do not have a proper educational service. The UNDP’s report published in March 2007 showed that the quality of education in these areas is low because of the lack of teachers and inappropriate educational systems and teaching materials. This is evidenced by the fact that there is no serious attention to develop better education. The worst situation is that most of the teachers have been recruited as heads of districts and heads of offices in the newly extended regencies. This case occurs in the definitive regencies, which was just extended. It is hard to predict the future of the native West Papuans. One problem is that more and more teachers leave schools for as long as one year and
never return quickly to teach again. Neglect and ignorance in the field of education is one kind of systematic killings of the future of West Papuans.

Ironically, the Indonesian government systematically destroyed the Christian Education foundations that were established by the Catholic and Protestant churches before the Indonesian government occupied and ruled West Papua. These are some of the Christian educational foundations; Catholic Education Foundation, Christian Education Foundation, Evangelical Churches Education and Teaching Foundation, and Adventist Education Foundation. The Indonesian government has established schools in West Papua based on the presidential decrees. These schools are, however, not suitable for the native West Papuans.

The quality of health of the West Papuans can be measured from the health of mother and child. UNICEF 2006 data showed that the mortality rate of mothers giving birth in West Papua is the highest in Indonesia. The mortality rate of mother giving birth reached 1,025 per 100.000 compared to the national Indonesian average rate which is 307 per 100.000. This rate of death is the highest in Asia. The cause of the high mortality rate of mothers giving birth is the minimal access to health facilities, low nutrition, and endemic diseases such as malaria. Child and baby mortality rate is the worst problem in West Papua because this relates to the survival of the native West Papuans in the future. UNICEF reported that the child mortality rate is 50.5 per 1000 births, which is the highest in Indonesia. The Indonesian national rate is 43.5 per 1000 births. The cause of the high mortality rate relates to low nutrition. Some facts that have occurred during the implementation of the Special Autonomy law:
· The health services does not have a focus. Government doctors run chemist/pharmacy near hospitals;
· Doctors give most Papuan patients’ prescriptions, but the patients have to pay for the prescriptions at the doctors’ chemist/pharmacy. Most Papuans cannot afford to pay. This raises the question of the Special Autonomy health fund for medicines. How were they spent and who used them?
· During the Special Autonomy era, health problems have become a serious threat in West Papua. Remote regions in West Papua have poor health services because most of health workers prefer to work in towns and refuse to work in the remote areas.
· Ironically, the Indonesian Government has systematically destroyed health institutions funded by churches in West Papua by expecting them to operate without government assistance. Both the Catholic and Protestant churches funded these health institutions in West Papua. Some examples are the Effata Hospital in Anggruk, the Evangelical Christian Churches Health Service Centre and some of its health clinics all over West Papua; Pick Up Memorial Hospital inPit river (Pirime); Health Services Centre of the Fellowships ofWest Papuan Baptist Churches with 54 clinics in all Baptist Churches regions in the highlands of West Papua; Immanuel Hospital in Mulia; Indonesian Evangelical Church health Centre with health centres in all their service areas. All these centres have been destroyed by the government’s establishment of Community Health Centres which usually lack medical staff, doctors, nurses and medicines.    

Recommendations and Solutions:see http://www.fPcN-global.org/

Hort’s comments
The tragedy unfolding in Papau New Guinea shows how impotent Africa is. African people are abused everywhere on this planet bu

Publié dans African diaspora

Pour être informé des derniers articles, inscrivez vous :
Commenter cet article